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Postmodern reflections on the legitimacy of states

If we vote YES, the prospect of returning to a confederation or a political union with Canada will always remain on the table. No choice of company is absolutely definitive. All questions are worth asking, as often as necessary, as long as enough people ask for or want to respond. The idea of a country, a border, an eternal union, it is the greatest fiction of the 20th century has laid. Countries often exist by accident of history, often because people decided they existed, that the "we" deserved to be transformed into a "here". The countries are born, recycle, fragment, unite, disunite. What is the legitimacy of states? The success justifies legal institutions does the territory they control? As good as the stateless nations, people without homes, crops without representation? After how many generations does it go off, the grandparents no longer understanding their grandchildren?

During my short life I have seen the birth of new countries like East Timor, Croatia, Slovakia, but also the union of former enemies as the two brothers Yemen Germany, Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia, common short-term). I finally understand that the land shapes the man as much as it shapes the earth. There is a "we" in the valley of Saint-Laurent, a "we" that is no more definable than the "we" of Canada, France, Senegal and Yemen, a group with blurred and culture fluid. And this "we" would make this piece of land its "here", as has happened countless in human history. There is nothing contemptible in there, just some something normal, potentially noble and promising future.

Quebec and Canada, like other countries, existing, past or future questions, not answers. Try to answer them, while remaining humble enough to leave our children the freedom to ask again.

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Dion at the wheel, with Layton and Duceppe map with the hand on the ignition key

When I think that some columnists and editorial writers chanted loudly during the last election, the Bloc Québécois will never get power. And voila! Quebec may perhaps gain more power in Ottawa than it has ever had, with Duceppe in a position to pass some historical demands of Quebec and to Stéphane Dion box. If the Bloc remains reasonable in his demands, he can get significant gains. For us.

This coalition would be a good thing, at least on paper! It is time that our political culture is changing and getting rid of minority governments, which have little legitimacy. After all, democracy should be based on an overall majority of voters represented by a majority of members, themselves elected by a majority of voters in their counties. Without this triple majority (3 levels), the government moves away from large democratic principles. And it does not stick out the argument that the party that "wins" elections "leading" or "govern" the country with a white card and ignoring the rest of the population. People have the right to be heard and represented, not just the "party friends". The winner of each election should be the people.

The Bloc Québécois is in the current state of things, an excellent objective ally of the Liberals and NDP. By holding the "safety valve" of this government, it ensures to advance Quebec (always carefully) while avoiding Dion, canned, not venturing too far into the constitutional quagmire. Economy, culture and regions should be the order of the day. The truce would hold.

The Bloc is not obligated to always vote with the coalition. It is ONLY when it comes to a vote of confidence and Budget shall ensure that the Bloc's support. Hence the importance of inviting the Bloc in the preparatory meetings of the bills the most difficult. No

departments for the Bloc? What difference does it make ... The Harper government had already decided to punish (rather childishly) Quebec do not have enough voted the right way. There is no minister, but a discretionary right to veto the bills most important. The autonomy Jean Allaire would not have asked more!

And we're a little loose with ultra complicated stories of secret government and management of global crises where the Bloc is allegedly inappropriate. Already the small ordinary members of the ruling party (and the backbenchers) are not invited to such meetings ... there is no big deal. Decisions are made in departments that do not move a lot of secret documents. Only votes count in the room for this kind of exercise.

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The language spoken in Quebec is quite legitimate

There is much talk these days, standardization of the language called "Quebec" or, more accurately, our dialect. There is even talk of publishing a dictionary, which goes beyond the mere exercise of our list of "regionalism" to make a reference to "good use", so to speak. Here, you wear the hat, mittens and scarf. There, you wear the hat, mittens and scarf. And yet! Some experts and opinion leaders tend to denigrate our linguistic innovations, firing broadsides at anything that moves any less of the "standard Parisian" describing our linguistic heritage "tares" and our innovations " fold on itself. "However, each term adopted by the Francophonie is a small victory, a testament to our strength and our determination cultural" email "is an example can be worn to the cord (overused?), but still valid. But it appears that shelter or handle is an unspeakable horror! hurry we therefore kiffer or bumming is so much more normative and civilized!

I say loud and clear: Quebecers are also entitled to linguistic innovation, such as the feminization of titles (Mrs. J., a professor). Of course, since this is innovation the goal is to accept the terms or agreements to the rest of the Francophonie. Who still says "balloon" for "volleyball"? When the term did not stick, it finally disappears. Difficult to find a balance between the need to name things according to our cultural perspective, and the need to continue to share with the rest of the Francophonie.

In my view, the normative should not be a barrier to linguistic innovation, to regionalism, the proliferation of synonyms if such a thing serves the cultural needs of a francophone group. The usual language is a language and generally comfortable effective in a given socio-cultural space. We will not ask Quebec to define the desert of Mali. Paris will not have the last word on our winter. The normative

must remain permeable to avoid the multiple, it must be sufficiently rigid, otherwise it will have more control. When I translate a text, we sometimes wonder a French text for France, French in Quebec, French for Canada French for international. I bow to the exercise, which is sometimes very difficult. But it confirms that, on the ground, each of these areas of the Francophonie are certified, are recognized, they are respected. Better yet, they overlap or fit together in complex ways. The scalpel language is vague, but it happens to be decided.

Many Quebecers pronounce the words in a way that approximates what is prescribed in the Robert, a pronunciation somewhat idealized, less documented today in Paris or Algiers. I speak here of course of Quebecers who make the effort to speak well without tracing their emphasis on Hochelaga on Joliette or Paris-suburbs. There is something comical to compare French accents to what is prescribed. Is it in Quebec they say "pangouan" for penguin and "jame" forever? We have our shortcomings, our slang, sometimes a shameful legacy, but when we're talking, we speak of an almost crystalline . This is one of many paradoxes that make the Quebec language a funny "Bébitte. Growing

language at home and in export-flavors.

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must hate Dion for the right reasons!

Ah, the joys of live ... unless you live in a hut in Chibougamau, impossible to have missed that famous interview on CTV Dion borked. Everyone talks about it, Harper took advantage, Duceppe moderates the debate. But let's see what happens in the media.

To glean votes, Dion has no choice but to adopt an attitude diametrically opposed to that of Harper. Where Harper is surrounded by a cordon of security, Dion takes walkabouts. Where Harper gave a lecture in a room closed to journalists handpicked, Dion harangue the crowds in the street. Where Harper insists that only shows its best side to the camera carefully disguised, Dion comes to natural, even to look pale. Dion's gaffes are primarily small bumps that is on a cross country track ... but what about Harper, who never leaves the highway facility.

I do not like Dion, I do not hide it - not because of his personality (which is correct in my opinion), but because of his uncompromising vision of federalism that has vision Trudeauist nothing to offer Quebec. But we can still acknowledge the efforts, even clumsy, Dion to be closer to his constituents (which I will not part) - the risks it takes, the energy injected into it, the ideas that he worked tirelessly.

The worst thing is that Harper, who is content to present a sweetened stock and has no campaign platform worthy of the name could very well be re-elected. After that, it will just steal the ideas of his opponents Bloc and Liberals - those who make his case, of course. Her brain can therefore remain comfortably at rest for 2 to 4 years.

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When you want to kill the left, is accused of ... The Bloc

the time of our great-grandparents, activists said that the wicked Tories unionists atheists who are destroying family values, should be excommunicated and burn in hell. Then the days of our grandparents, they said that the wicked Communist unionists should be tried as traitors and executed. Time of our parents, they said that the wicked union separatists should rot in prison with the FLQ. Then today, activists say the Tories nasty unionists of gogauche should shut the hell up because they are the source of all economic problems.

Funny, they are people who are enraged over several generations. The more things change, the conservative activists, and more they stay the same. They just replaced their sermons by priests sermons of so-called economists. But why have these old dogmatic croutons so afraid of social progress, diversity and democracy?

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rainbow sky and clouds Ottawa

I am among those who believe that ultimately, any coalition "rainbow" always ends up not being worn out prematurely. Then follows a slow decline, a realignment of political or other issues, the bursting into several parties. A coalition of independence is always a crossroads, because its relevance is still questioned by two groups: (1) political opponents who try to undermine its legitimacy and (2) activists who want to see results. Time is the enemy of any proposed change, and the faithful ally of inaction. The ROC is far from being decaying before our eyes, but what about Quebec?

The Bloc does not escape this logic of "wear the wait" and should make sure not to fall more in the wait. A rainbow, it exists primarily because there are big black clouds ... a ray of sunshine. But this is not the Bloc, which has the power to independence and its position is strategic in Ottawa and it is his political weight that moves certain files. The block is the body of a political lobby Quebec relatively powerful. The lobby represented by the block exerts a constant pressure on the power in Ottawa, forcing the incumbent government to compromise, to avoid occult maneuvers, to look specifically for Quebecers. In this sense, Canadians ROC are right to complain of high interest / too high is that Ottawa to Quebec. But for us it is a matter of cultural survival. Note that there are others in the world, lobbies more or less visible from the same kind, each defending a national or cultural issue.

Do you really believe that the Quebec members being part of the NDP Liberal Party or the Conservative Party can not afford if only one hundredth of attachment to Quebec and Quebec-nation draft? No, to be part of the political parties must believe in a Canada-and Canada-nation project. They need to evacuate especially the "threat of Quebec" from their ranks, since the "dangerous" flirtation Mulroney. This era is well and truly dead, dismembered, buried, decomposed. We even poured salt on his grave, so that the grass will grow back.

What then, if not vote for a "rainbow on the siding!

event of Quebec independence (or a very broad autonomy), there will be room for all political parties consistent with the Constitution of a moral contract, including the parties to liberal, or libertarian social democrat. We must vote first for the pro-independence platform, and then to the left-right alignment. If you do not wish the demise of the Bloc, PQ and other parties, lobby groups and political clubs in the short term, we know very well that after the independence celebrations, it's going to take the ax. For reasons that are best. They are disposable! And the Bloc is still in its original packaging ...

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PG-13 A country

"Canadians want to be comfortable with artists who represent them internationally. They will not fund all expenses paid trips to celebrities or to marginal "

- A spokesman for Conservative

" When ordinary working Canadians come home, turn on the television and see a girl or a group people at a rich gala subsidized entirely by taxpayer money, and who say that their subsidies are not high enough when they know they were up ... I'm not sure it resonates with ordinary people. "

- Stephen Harper

"The movies we go to see at theaters and film festivals Will continues to Be eligible for tax credits. The measure Contained in Bill C-10 addresses only The Most extreme and gratuitous material, not mainstream films (...) "

- Josee Verner

Oh ... really?

So let's talk about the films "contrary to public order", "marginal" and "extreme" (to use the vocabulary of fashion in Ottawa). Without funding opportunity, it is almost certain that movies like "CRAZY", "The Decline of the American Empire" (And its two sequels), "Biological Clock", "Le Neg", "Three Little Pigs," "Eldorado," "Night Zoo," "How to make love to a negro without getting tired," or even "Léolo" (especially that one), WOULD NOT SEEN THE DAY. They are all, to varying degrees, contrary to public order and "decency", convey values "questionable" or do not represent the idea that Canada is of himself. In short, good manners, it does not make good movies. But manners free, it does not Good subsidies, it seems.

Other films should, in turn, squirming to get into the ideological mold, or outright cut scenes. What about two small scenes of collective orgasm "suggested" in "the great seduction"? What to do with hatred of the French-Canadian and national affirmation in "Maurice Richard"? How to hide the corpse very disruptive and disturbing scenes in "A crab in the head" or "Possible Worlds" (not counting the flashes of nudity)? Robert Lepage is it a dangerous marginal, it is also gay and French (how shocking)? Might say that "magnets" are a bit too promoting adultery? "Nitro" encourages young people to violate the law and dangerous driving? "Thieves of Innocence" criticism he is too overtly government services? "A few acres of snow" and "orders" they implicitly support terrorism? "Traitor or patriot" is it a documentary-flavored Quebec nationalist? And forget "Mambo Italiano" is far too gay to be reformed!

A pair of buttocks, it's been a bum film - these being cut 3 seconds of pornography that occur in almost all our films, is not it Mr. Pastor? Come on, that we redo all these scenarios with an emphasis on "Canadian values that unite us," on "multiculturalism, bilingual opening" and "good morals". Canada is the beautiful country pluss PG-13, under God of course.

As for small films "too small" to be in theaters in the multiplex where Ms. Verner went on Friday night, they will die in the shade. It's like a cross between the principle of Hygrade sausage and the myth of the ordinary taxpayer. But who wants therefore see movies that nobody will see? Answer: just everybody, Mrs. Verner. Because everyone is marginal in its own way.

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Day Canada Day is coming, dear voters!

Dear friends , allies and fellow , some of you have asked me how they pouveulent celebrate the National Day their provincial territory, while true patriots of Canada and Canadian .

For Day Canada Day, what better than Kraft Dinner deluxe with Molson Canadian "light" , and a big cake with Crisco frosting in the shape of maple leaf flag (with a glass of skim milk Ontario , of course)? If you do not have cold feet and want to make a patriotic gesture, what better than a good hamburger beef angus Alberta guaranteed without prion (Mad Cow Free ) by Stockwell Day himself and tested by the firm of Biochemistry former spouse Maxime Bernier . The

traditional barbecue, which this year will be the colors of the national festival of the founding of our nation, Canada's Quebec 's 400th b-day will be served by a troop of scouts multicultural " almost bilingual" in shorts of Sarnia, Ontario . These revelers circle the largest country in the world ethanol buses and train to promote national unity, while playing curling to the music of our friendly poet National Gordon Lightfoot .

Celebrate well all the world together, my colleagues, regardless of your language mother, and remember that we must remain united , regardless of our differences by voting Conservative Reformista . Go Canada Havez and fun in your party . Remember to practice our sport national !

Signed: The Honorable S. Harper , on Behalf of the Queen & Her Princess Jean

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From the Canadian constitution ...

This short text provides answers to a question I hear often. Many Quebecers are confused and do not understand what the real consequences of the decision of Trudeau repatriated the Constitution (Constitutional Act of 1982) without the consent Quebec (then represented by Rene Levesque). Consequences real or symbolic? And why no Quebec government has dared to sign the constitution as it applies de facto on our province and its laws?


Q: The Canadian Constitution does it apply in Quebec?

A: I have asked this question to an expert in constitutional politics and he said, in essence, yes. The constitution applies to the entire Canadian territory, even in jurisdictions that have not signed the paper. The signature is a formality, laden with meaning and symbolism very important - but this step does not affect the application of the Constitution on the whole territory.

Quebec refrained for a long time to refer to the constitution in its own laws. However, the use of the notwithstanding clause to the Bill 101 implies an inclusion in the framework of the Constitution Act of 1982. In addition, treaties involving the Quebec Native Americans, including that of Nitassinan made history by making explicit reference to the Canadian Constitution.

Finally, the Agreement of Calgary (1997), signed by Prime Ministers the rest of Canada endorses the principle that Quebec will never get anything that would have constitutional significance. In other words, the Constitution will NEVER be amended to Quebec, for any reason whatsoever. The Agreement provides for Calgary symbolic gains for Quebec and reaffirms the equality and absolute equivalence of all provinces. Finally, the premiers at the same time noting that Canada is functional despite Quebec's refusal to sign the Constitution. Note that this agreement was largely drafted by the team of Stephen Harper.

Therefore, we can say that:
1) the Constitution Act, 1982 applies to Quebec without regard to the lack of signature, the objections of the National Assembly or the refusal of elected officials (and elsewhere);
2) Quebec has implicitly acknowledged its application ;
3) Quebec explicitly recognized its application at least once;
4) the rest of Canada refused any concession
5) Act 99 of Lucien Bouchard, who sought to counter both the Clarity Act referendum Dion and the Calgary Declaration of Harper, is a failure - it had no effect.

What else does in Quebec as a bargaining? First, lack of signature carries a symbolic extremely heavy, despite attempts to minimize it. The persistent efforts of Mulroney in this sense are not innocent - Quebec's absence creates an uncomfortable political and ideological, while undermining the "nation building" Canadian (both aligned with the Toronto / Ottawa that aligned with Calgary).

Finally, large areas of constitutional law have not been officially translated into French, despite a clause that required it. Only the English text is law and can be used in legal interpretation. Quebec is entitled to demand an explanation or challenge its validity, particularly with regard to Bill 101. There is a collision between the strictly speaking parts of the Constitution Act of 1982 (excluding the 1867, of which there is no translation having the force of law) and Act 101 applies in Quebec. A clever constitutionalist could consider that some items are not valid or request to suspend the application in Quebec until they have been translated. Question of "arm twisting" policy!

Finally, we note that the recognition of the "Quebec nation" should be analyzed in depth by a constitutionalist. First, the term "nation" does not exactly the same direction and the same scope in French and English. The application of this law has problems: it applies to what or to whom, exactly? Finally, reducing its scope ("within a united Canada") could have consequences - that phrase might even become obsolete. And if it is not included in the Constitution, this Act comes into collision with so many elements of Canadian law it is unenforceable, entirely questionable or downright unconstitutional! If the law recognizing the "Québécois nation" has legal consequences (for example, need to protect the French character of Quebec recognizing Bill 101 and subtracting the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms), it could undermine the constitutional edifice constructed since 1982.

And in this case, the question remains: the Constitution Act of 1982 could it be legal by telescoping, "less relevant" in Quebec than in the rest of Canada?

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Three Questions about Québec interculturalism

1. Interculturalism Quebecois can exist if it is solidly framed in the Canadian Multiculturalism?

2. When the two principles are in conflict or contradiction, interculturalism in Quebec come out there always lose, knowing that Canadian multiculturalism is enshrined in the Constitution of 1982 (through the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms)?

3. And if we try to interculturalism exist without it becoming unconstitutional (and therefore illegal), he must necessarily be a subset of multiculturalism, in short, become "smaller" and store them wisely ?

Somehow, if multiculturalism is in the Canadian Constitution is that it is "basically good" according to the most basic Canadian values. What we put in a constitution is the basis of our society, the rationale of the state and what it undertakes to apply and defend. Therefore, any principle which would derogate from a value enshrined in the constitution would, by definition, bad.

If Quebecers (or Quebec, or the people of Quebec or French-speaking Quebecers) are recognized politically by the Canadian government, this recognition is limited by the Constitution Act 1982, which limits the scope of any recognition gender. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms acts as a watchdog morale and could bring down any interpretation interculturalism in Quebec would be in contradiction with the text, gasoline or application, Canadian multiculturalism and bilingualism status.

we can give an initial response to these three questions. To exist, interculturalism must be applied exactly as multiculturalism , lest our state and our institutions to the Supreme Court rejected. What, then, our flexibility?

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Commission Report BT: put Quebec in its context

The Commission's report seems to assume that what happens in the rest of the planet, either side of the culture or trade is entirely in English. This may be true for part exchanges, especially North American side, and it is not surprising to note that most scientific publications are primarily in English. Either.

But it would be wrong and even dangerous to imagine that Quebec is a French island, so necessarily isolationist in a sea of English ideals. The two commissioners are committing, in this stage of their reasoning, a serious error of generalization - an exaggeration in the report of the proportions in Quebec's place in the world and in their vision of the rest the planet.

If they really wanted to be intellectually honest, they would have called things by their name. Learning English was mainly aimed at the integration of Quebecers in all North American Anglo-Saxon and the rest of the world does not feel this need to integrate them and this is understandable. Brazil, Japan, Finland and Russia can work very well in their respective national language without fear of being accused of "nationalist" and "isolationists." Insults fly low, very low.

The main harm the average Quebecer is not his sketchy knowledge of English. It is rather to be born in a bubble in French North America. Had he been born anywhere else in the world, he would be entitled to continue to speak their mother tongue (and national) without feeling guilty of "crime of isolationism and without being accused of being outdated.

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Notes Durham, Thoreau and Human Development in Quebec The three

The Durham Report is often quoted even today by federalist activists trying to demonstrate that the French regime was under British occupation, that the British have "saved" the people of the St Lawrence was "backward" (people in the direction of settlement).

Oddly enough, when Thoreau wrote "A Yankee in Canada" in the 1860s, it is EXACTLY the same criticisms that Durham schools on the St. Lawrence Valley: People of misery, outdated farming methods, population linear along the river, poor cities, not enough cake to the menu (!), etc.. However, these criticisms are directed as much to French farmers than to the British masters, already present a century when he made the trip.

Could it be, therefore, that the British have finally brought nothing superior (in terms of institutions and human development), the slow development of our countries have instead been caused by adverse weather conditions, and the stand-linear (along rivers) has been made to make the most of access roads? Could it be that the Conquest has been ultimately a conquest - a change from colonial rule? And the people here, both francophone and anglophone, have started to really develop until they were able to make their own decisions?

In this case, the identity of the colonial power, the ruler, has little importance. The project of political liberation of Papineau, Lafontaine-Baldwin then, makes sense - be freer to be more prosperous (compared with the "masters in our" Lesage). But does it justify IN NO EVENT revision of history that would give the British colonial military forces a humanitarian role, no offense to Durham.

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francophonies ... The case and we

THE ORIGINS OF LANGUAGE

French, before becoming an international language, was primarily an amalgam of dialects derived from Latin and has undergone various regional influences, whether from the Gauls (which has not kept many words, as Syagrius has not kept his head long) of Aleman, the Basques (who gave us the word "left") or the Normans.

It goes without saying that the consolidation of territory controlled by the king of the Franks, from the Carolingians, who has contributed to the mixing of dialects and the emergence of a truly national language. It is considered that the founding document of the French language was the Oath of Strasbourg, signed by Charles the Bald and Louis the Germanic, in the year 842. The document marks a break with the politics of Latin, the language of administration of the great kingdom of Charlemagne, which replaces the dialects spoken in each of the kingdoms born to burst - the language "Romance" (later French) and the "old high German" (later German). Languages cousins enemy languages, languages born of a partition.

Incubation of French "hexagon" and took about 9 centuries, therefore, from the Oath of Strasbourg (842) to the founding of the French Academy (1635), whose primary mission is to set the French language, give him the rules, to normalize it and to write the first official dictionary. The turning point of the maturing period is unquestionably the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterets (1539), which made French the official language of the administration of the Kingdom of France and its dependencies. Note that this order coincides almost exactly with the beginning of the French adventure in North America.

PERIOD OF THREE GEOGRAPHICAL EXPANSION OF FRENCH

1. The European cradle . The French language as popular (and not just administration) has spread first from a core cultural and political located in the northern part of France. We can consider that this period, which covers the establishment of a European core and its first radiation ranges from 842 to the year the year 1635. Through the various continental wars, the French followed the movements of the royal domain and kingdoms that went with it. Similarly, dialects of French have maintained in several territories conquered then lost, in countries which are today Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, Spain. For recent dialects of French, the cultural link with Paris has never been broken. For others, like the Catalan, the influence of a Another dominant language (English) has consummated the break and made it a separate language. We can consider that the European core contains now France, Belgium and, to a lesser extent, Switzerland. But the cultural production of metropolitan France is still dominant, its institutions are unparalleled linguistic and demographic weight is overwhelming (when compared to other Francophone communities in Europe).

2. The nuclei U.S.. The second period, which covers the period from the founding of Port Royal in Acadia (1604) to the permanent loss of New France (1763) and the break with the motherland, marking the establishment of a second core of speakers in North America. Language is not imposed, but exported and implanted (such as cattle, architecture, the seigneurial system and residents) as a tool of colonization, it has not been broken in continuity or permanent abandonment by his speakers. The territory was for a time, continuously, but it was actually composed of a mosaic of human settlements located in areas (ecumenical) favorable. The illusion of New France as a cohesive and uniform comes down to territorial claims on the size of a continent. In fact, the territory was colonized at different times, in different modes, for heterogeneous populations. These revolve around different centers of administration and human links or establish strategic variable levels with indigenous peoples (also heterogeneous). Acadia, St. Lawrence Valley and Great Lakes, Gaspe Peninsula, Richelieu Valley basins of the Ohio and Mississippi, the western plains, etc..

The break with the colonial power has prompted the nucleus of the plain of St. Lawrence, especially articulated around the axis Montreal-Quebec develop its own institutions. Louisiana, Acadia and other French settlements in North America have failed, contrary to the establishment of the St Lawrence, to establish continuity. We can cite the expulsion of the Acadians, the Foundation of Manitoba and the anti-French language laws as reasons for the lack of vitality of communities outside Quebec. For Louisiana, the political bargaining between the United States, Spain and France, and the mixing of populations, have diluted the francophone identity and led to a near extinction.

Note that I will not discuss in this section, small French dependency located around the world (the Caribbean to the Pacific via South America). Some of these areas or departments are francophone institutions overseas for a longevity comparable to ours (over 400 years in some cases), and have developed strong cultures and in many respects, remarkable . However, they are directly controlled by France, which provides (or requires) the material and cultural institutions.

3. The influence of the colonial empire . The third and final period of expansion of the language French mark the transition to a system of colonization, not human but culturally. It covers the years 1830 (conquest of Algiers) to 1958-1960 (decolonization movement in Africa). It is important to see how French has been imposed on dozens of people, who all spoke a different language. Some of these people spoke the same language, continuity, over a millennium. That French was imposed on Algerians, Vietnamese or Madagascar is a corollary of the establishment of the colonial empire, whose goals were both economic and political. When each of these peoples found independence, in new countries often arbitrary borders, he also found the right (some speak of the duty to remember ) to speak and teach a language that had been seen as "savage" who suddenly becomes language literature, academic language, the language of administration - their mother tongue, found. Arabic, Vietnamese, Peul, etc..

Under these conditions, French is relegated to the rank of 20th century language "diplomatic" as evidenced by the charters of the League and the UN, which implicitly recognize the importance colonial (but also "Institutional "And" philosophical ") of French cement diplomatic rapidly decay today. That these peoples have relegated to the status of French second language, or even third language or "language of the museum" should not be surprising. The "third Francophonie" second colonial empire is the one that originally did not want the French! We understand why today, the Francophonie has few strong French cultural centers. The Francophonie includes the European core, the core North American dependencies French overseas colonies and former "French second-hand." And us.

WE (AS) ARE A BEACON

The most vocal critics of the political ambitions of Quebeckers often emerge as an example of our assumed smallness, the argument of the complex of the colonized. The complicated relationship of love-hate relationship with France is often presented as evidence of the existence of this complex. The negotiations surrounding the vocabulary Quebecois and its international influence, the OLF, the acceptance of words in major dictionaries Quebec, Quebec purists (who reject anglicisms with a virulence unmatched) are however indications that our relationship with French language only not have the reflexes of the colonized ! Quite the contrary.

The colonized do not adopt the language of the colonizing power, rather he rejects. This reflex is to English.

The contemporary relationship between Quebec and France (since de Gaulle) is based more on mutual incomprehension, which is the source of many conflicts, ideological. Quebec seeks to establish a dialogue of equals, despite the near impossibility of the thing (given the asymmetry between the two entities: size, cultural influence, history, population, state sovereignty, economic power, institutions, etc.). Almost everything separates us, but the link is stronger roots than the rest.

is that Quebec does not consider itself a former colony of France. In fact, WE are not former colonies as are Algerians, Malians, Vietnamese. The French language we have never been imposed. WE are, somehow, a "lost tribe" of French North America, great-grand-son of France, has long been freed of maternal bonding but always conscious of this latent identity, of human warmth that is resistant to cold our climate and cultural pressures of our neighbors.

This situation is absolutely unique in the Francophonie. Let the other people or Francophone states. France is the cradle, the source and the lighthouse of la Francophonie. Belgium and Switzerland are part of the whole French proximity, in contact continuous and uninterrupted from the beginning. Other Francophone states in the world, received the French language as the language of replacing their national language as the language of domination often. French has long been in these countries, a hated language. Many have refused to return to their original language (be it Arabic, Fulani, Vietnamese, ...)

But not us. In Quebec, the language came with us in our luggage, and we always carried in our hearts, without a valid reason to reject it or choose another. Why choose another? Unlike the former colonized Algerians or the Vietnamese, for example, we have no other language ancestral to substitute French. French is a part of us, some dating back to origins as far away as the language itself.

And that's what makes us special place in the Francophonie. We also are a lighthouse.

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VLB, French-Canadians and wrens

Everyone heard the last firebrand published by VLB, so I will skip to the opinions. Ineffable and our ambassador of good taste multicultural civilization, which makes French Canadians much more than "peasants with credit cards" (as Gilles Martin Chauffier) happens presentations. Anyway ...

insults and personal attacks by Victor-Lévy Beaulieu (our "most prolific author" by Noah Richler - sic) to Michaelle Jean (our "head of state" according to Nicolas Sarkozy - sic) us away Unfortunately, the real debate: the power structures that we inherited our transformation from colony. Moreover, if the Governor-General takes more space is at the expense of our elected . Remain lucid.

Instead of out insults and puns doubtful from another era, Mr. Beaulieu would have done better to mention the "small colonial lottery", a term applied historically to the French kings, who were offered a small slice of power in Anglo-Saxon banquet. Read about this excellent book by Stephen Kelly, the little lottery , Boréal, 1997.

Gilles Lesage wrote in Le Devoir (Oct. 5 1997), about Kelly's book:

short, the essayist concludes, if the solution Durham triumph after 1837 is much less because of the clergy, which fiercely opposes the Act of Union in the early 1840s, as the parvenu, who succumbed to the lure of early colonial lottery. The red scream corruption. But it is a symbolic gesture.

For 130 years, says the sociologist, the upstart French-Canadian is in line with the tradition of [George-Étienne] Cartier. In times of national crisis, it appears as a traitor. His indictment, periodic increases throughout the twentieth century. The most famous occurred towards the end of the Duplessis era. The editorial Andre Laurendeau, "The theory of the king negro" (in Le Devoir on July 4, 1958), marks indeed the genesis of the Quiet Revolution, the birth of a new myth, that of French power ' and the "triumph of the therapeutic" ...

It is clear that the attempt to VLB is part of a learned man, very aware of the contemporary history of Quebec and drawing on sociological studies serious. BUT it is also worth noting that it is both in the form of discourse in and the arguments raised in the choice of words VLB shows us how it is firmly anchored in the past . The text of

Laurendeau exactly 50 years and has taken many wrinkles. Quebec had not yet at that time, lived his Quiet Revolution, and associated political power against colonial rule (in short, a collaboration with the stranger that represented the hated Anglo-Saxon and his court). Things have changed since that time the French were freed of some of their prejudices (against foreigners and power), Quebec has become a more complex society, less clear-cut with a knife. It is clear, however, that Quebecers are still an uneasy relationship with foreigners ... and power!

I recommend also reading the book of the late Jacques Bouchard, "The new sensitivities of Quebecers." To consider the progress, read together the first edition of the book, "The 36 chords of Quebecers," published 35 years earlier by the same author. What a journey, as changes in our society (the two most obvious being that awareness of "differences" that led to a certain rectitude policy, and the other is our openness to the world). It might be interesting to ask the friend Beaulieu if he read the new edition and, if not, to him the gift. History of guitar tuning.

Finally, Mr. Beaulieu speaks only in his own name. Those without short memories will recall that VLB has copiously insulted the sovereignty movement and the PQ in recent months and took her away. In his fief of Trois-Pistoles, this semi-hermit is somewhat disconnected from the social and political realities of the 21st century Quebec. But his literary work remains a monument and cultural wealth for us.

Beyond the obligation treason that should inspire our political separatists, it is important to stay within the bounds of good taste.

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Harper, Bouchard-Taylor and the Quebec nation

The report of the Bouchard-Taylor (2008) seems to be the absolute opposite of the report of the Bélanger-Campeau (1991). This shows how the Quebec Liberal party has flip-flopped and abandoned any intention of doing anything other than a Quebec "ordinary province and interchangeable."

THE PLACE ON IDENTITY

Quebec is now at a critical juncture in its modern identity questions, whose resolution has mobilized the entire political class in 40 years. Indeed, the "Quebec nation" (not her relationship with a historic territory, its institutions like the National Assembly or its objective existence) was tentatively recognized by the federal government, in a gesture whose significance is largely symbolic.

Meanwhile, no specific advantage seems to stem from this recognition, which begins to resemble the facts in a neutralization. The fiscal imbalance has been "approached" in a context not constitutional or legal, but the room at the whim of the Federal. The headquarters of Unesco is still in the carpenter's workshop. The consequences of this recognition of our language laws, Quebec on our institutions, our international relations, were not even considered by our government very timid provincialism.

And meanwhile, it's on TV English TV movie in honor of Elijah Harper, who killed the Meech Lake Accord. Indeed, Quebec has moved from defensive mode (under Bouchard) in standby mode (under Landry) in passive mode (in Charest). One has only to see the severe beating that nationalists and separatists in Quebec are undergoing at the " 400th anniversary of the founding of Canada (sic) by Champlain, which was not the first French 's establish America (re-sic), which was already under the jurisdiction of the King of England (re-re-sic) "sad rewriting of history and political manipulation of an event that could have been celebrated in dignity. It's enough to depress.

(note in passing that we can consider the founding of Acadia, Quebec and Louisiana as three events that are both bound by the French adventure in America, but quickly diverged in their outreach and their destinies. Foundation of Quebec should be seen as the foundation of Quebec , that is to say the starting point of a coherent and distinct human colonization in the St Lawrence. As I noted earlier in this blog, we must mention the far side of unifying the Francophonie of the Americas, the separate side - both historical and cultural - of each of its constituent nations.)

EXIT THE DEADLOCK?

The findings of the Bouchard-Taylor could, ironically, help us break the deadlock, provided that Ms. Marois do the necessary analysis and present a project that takes full advantage of the slingshot effect . Indeed, the Commission's report addresses the Quebec identity through the distorting mirror of multiculturalism in the Canadian way, an ideology which consciously ignoring the existence of national identities, to focus strictly on (1) civic identities and (2) individual identities.

This is curiously inconsistent with any recognition by the federal government of a "Quebec nation "!

The nations that a country can take refuge behind the concept of civic citizenship to avoid addressing the fundamental issues of identity, common values, tolerance. Quebecers are forced to cope, without recourse to circular reasoning that the "citizenship-nationality" offers an answer (for example: "Are all French nationals holders of French citizenship," "Are all Canadian nationality holders of Canadian citizenship, "etc.).

NO national or cultural identity could resist Grid analysis of multiculturalism, which serves to deconstruct the nation state to replace it, without one can lead to another or can be used to explain (ie, the state exists and state, the nation is by and for the state, the nation without a state does not exist).

Basically, the concept of collective identity does not exist anymore and is instead replaced (within a set state) by a territory inhabited by people, except perhaps in the case of a constitution that would guarantee at least that identity is mentioned . It is clear that the only way out is in identity constitutional and / or the creation of a state, then that would legitimize a nation that NOTHING ELSE, the ideology in vogue, can not tolerate.

ARE WE REALLY A MAJORITY?

Yes and no. Commissioners Bouchard and Taylor have mentioned several times that a society of law must avoid at all costs to the tyranny of the majority. However, we are a majority with very little power when compared to other cultural majorities in the world. We are in a somewhat absurd (a majority-minority with political power framed by other powers policies often contradictory).

Montreal Anglophones are a minority for their very relative, since they can count on the rest of North America to ensure their cultural exchanges, and their media outreach. They are part of an absolute majority in Canada. Their position of "minority within a minority within a majority," which is often mentioned, should not obscure their inclusion very real in most English-speaking North American culture. In other words, the fact that Montreal Anglophones are part of Quebec society and be "submitted" to the power of language laws, and the French cultural pressure, do not isolate any of the huge cultural complex English. After all, Ontario is only a few tens of kilometers from the West Island and it is easy to rub off the tongue more easily in one direction than another. Worries one in Ontario to see the French move to Cornwall triumphantly, like a steamroller, assimilating everything in its path?

CONCLUSION

Perhaps we should reflect on the trend, which is materialized in recent events as the Bouchard-Taylor, demand for French Quebec a majority responsibility when they have neither the powers associated with a status of majority (legal and constitutional power) nor the means to act majority (because they are in fact a national minority within Canada). It is customary to say that with freedoms come responsibilities. Okay! The reverse is also true. Demand the freedoms that come with these serious responsibilities we have just been imposed. We were asked to accept immigrants to integrate into our society, to align our services with the reality on the ground to enforce the secularization broad spectrum? To get there, we need more legal powers and constitutional . It is our responsibility ... to get them!